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AFFIDAVIT
Memorandum of My Political Attitude Since August 1914.
(Prepared circa 24 November 1914)
I. Motive.
My parents on both sides come of families resident in England for over 300 years. I was born and educated in Great Britain. My home is there. My family and property (both personal and real) are there. My business is there.
I have never been to Germany, except to pass through it on my way to of from Russia, Scandinavia or Switzerland.
I speak very little German, scarce enough to talk to waiters and guides: and I cannot read even a newspaper.
I have no German friends whatever, save one with whom I correspond on religious matters.
I have met many German tourists. I dislike their manners, their habits, and their language.
I have nothing to hope from Germany. I could not and would not live there. There is therefore no possible motive for any disloyal action on my part.
II. Events since the War.
1. I was in Switzerland on Aug. 1, 1914, and returned at once to England.
2. I offered myself to the Government, and hoped to get a commission through the good offices of my friend Lieut. the Hon. Everard Feilding, R. N. V. R.
3. In September 1914 I was attacked by phlebitis, which bars me permanently from active service.
4. I published a poem ["To America"] (English Review Oct 1914) advocating our alliance with the U.S.A., another on the Destruction of Rheims Cathedral. A third, of a stirring character, . . . . became popular in the trenches. I also wrote pamphlets advocating various measures which have since nearly all been accepted.
5. I came to New York in November 1914, expecting to remain a few weeks only.
6. By chance meeting I came in touch with George Sylvester Viereck, who thought I was pro-German. I got the idea of keeping up that illusion, so as to qualify for a post in the Secret Service of England. He seemed to me to be the brains of the pro-German agitation. I told Lieut. Feilding of this plan, which he thought a good one.
7. I urged Viereck to defend the Lusitania, Cavell, and other atrocities, and myself wrote violent articles for him on these subjects. My object was fourfold: (a) to discredit the German cause by committing the enemy to manifest absurdities and infamies (b) to induce the Germans to give me their full confidence (c) to arouse the indignation of the Americans (d) to warn England of certain of her own weaknesses by exposing them, i.e. show the enemy's cards. (note in particular articles on the submarine, forecasting both the improvements in the U-boat, and the ruthless campaign.)
8. I wrote to Capt. Guy Gaunt R. N. from Washington early in 1916, when The Fatherland was attacking him personally for bribing the office boy, etc., a letter of sympathy and an offer of help and service. Captain Gaunt replied cordially, but as if The Fatherland were not worth notice.
9. After a conversation with Mr. Otto H. Kahn, I applied to Captain Gaunt formally for work in connection with (a) The Fatherland (b) Irish-American agitation (c) Indian revolutionary activity. I have ever since kept him informed of my address, so as to be ready if called. Not hearing from him, I also spoke to Mr. Willert of Washington D.C. on this matter, on the advice of my friend Mr. Paul Wayland Bartlett.
10. The only actions that can be held against me are the writing of the articles in The Fatherland and the Irish Republic. I have consistently encouraged the members of my Order (the O.T.O.) to enlist, and my lodges have furnished several additions to the Hall of Honour.
I trust it will now be perfectly clear that I have throughout been actuated by a wish to serve my country My method may have been mistaken; if so, I am willing to accept rebuke or punishment. I am perfectly ready to do my utmost in the future as in the past to serve England.
Articles: List of all I have written, with note of purport.
1. Humanity First. "Listen to the man who sees both sides of a question". "Peace must come through mutual understanding and concession".
2. Thorough. "I will support any government which will commandeer all private resources". "Mobilize every man, every munition of War". "Do not moralize instead of fighting".
Advocates universal military training, and fecundity. "Make motherhood on any terms honourable, and prostitution and sterility disgraceful". "Drafting ——— so that in two years every man would be a soldier"
4. Honesty is the Best Policy. [Part I & Part II] Avoid cant and lies. "Germany is a rich prize". I considered—and still consider—the hypocrisy of the English press to be bad policy.
5. The Vindication of Nietzsche. "We should have had an army equal to Germany's, and our fleet should have destroyed hers while we were three to one".
6. The Attitude of America to the War. (First article for The Fatherland though they printed No. 4) The truth, unfortunately, about the average citizen, at that.
7. The Future of the Submarine. Predicts the early partial success would lead to concentration of brains and money on the once doubtful boat, and so to the "submarine with a coasting radius of 5,000 miles or so", the "mother submarine", a "boat fitted for fighting at long range, "Submarine transports" etc. "It is only necessary to multiply the U-Boat of even existing type in order to starve England, etc.". A warning.
About strikes, etc. "How does the Government reply? Not in the manly way by commanding every man and every munition in the country, but by laying the blame on drink".
Points out that the trouble has come through our backing Russia; reversing traditional British policy.
10. England on the Brink of Revolution. Labor Crisis. "It is stupid to curse one's bullock for his failure at [illegible]". "The healthy reaction should have been a giant rage to crush the 'barbarous Huns!' "
11. Perhaps Germany Should Keep Poland. Exposure of Russian corruption and haphazard ways of business. A warning—1915—not to rely on her.
12. Appel au bon sens Francais. I am sorry about this; but at that time people both here and abroad—including the greatest name in contemporary French literature, convinced me that England would leave France in the lurch, and I was really angry, for I love France dearly.
13. The New Parsifal. The Kaiser compared to Jesus Christ; a joke on the Germans but they did not see it.
14. The Crime of Edith Cavell. An indignant joke, comparing Miss Cavell to Locusta, Lucrezia Borgia, etc. Von Bissing [illegible] weeping over the female Judas who had [illegible]. I was simply amazed that they printed [illegible].
15. Sweet Reasonableness. A quite serious article on a new balance of [illegible].
16. Kultur versus Culture. Rebukes English amateurishness.
17. The Irish Republic. This as a mere dramatic affirmation of what everybody's serious now assents to, in essence. The New York Times gave us three columns. Of course I had no idea at all that there was real trouble in Ireland; the newspapers assured us that the Irish had enlisted to a man!
18. The Occult Brotherhood and the War. "Fight for the right, but without hatred", is the main idea.
19. The Norman Conquest. A defence of the aristocratic system of government.
20. Three Great Hoaxes of the War. Not a political article, properly speaking. Merely about the Angels of Mons, etc.
21. Leaves from a Lost Portfolio. Mostly a joke. My original Ms. was much altered by The Fatherland without my consent.
22. Behind the Front. A joke. 'Orrid 'appenings in London: how they deported me, etc. (I was really at the San Francisco Exposition)
23. Degenerate England. Another joke; a rather naughty one, replying to a really silly book (Wernor Laurie!) on Degenerate Germany.
An extravagance—but a good forecast of the 'ruthless' warfare. I wanted to make the point that the common people in Germany really believe this rot about 'pirate' England. I also wanted Germany to act so that the U.S.A. would declare war.
25. England's Blind Spot. Suggests a solution of the Irish problem by good will and mutual understanding.
26. Preface to "A Prophet in His Own Country" by a charming prophet named Stuart (Stuart X) suggesting him for President of the U.S.A.
27. Sinn Fein.
MEMORANDUM. (Another Version)
I, Aleister Crowley, am of a Breton-Irish family, settled in England since 1500.
I am a member of Trinity College, Cambridge.
At the beginning of the war I was stricken with phlebitis, which made me useless for any active service.
I asked my friend, the Hon. Everard Feilding, Lieut. R.N.V.R., of the Press Bureau, to get me a job. Nothing doing; at that time England had no idea, that men would be useful in a war.
I crossed to America, arriving No. 1914.
I had been writing articles urging the proper conduct of the war, the ceasing to fight a la fishwife, and the mobilization of the whole nation and its wealth. This was called unpatriotic; all my recommendations have since been adapted.
In New York, a man spoke to me on a 'bus, asking me if I wanted a square deal for Germany and Austria. I replied non-commitally that I wanted a square deal for everybody. He asked me to call at the "Fatherland" office. I did. I was there recognized by Viereck, who had once seen me in the office of the "English Review". My airy attitude was construed by him as pro-German. I saw a chance to be useful. I wrote him a lot of articles, and proclaimed the Irish Republic. I pointed out the possibilities of this course to Feilding, and urged him to get me some work, officially. Still nothing doing, but I made him reports on the activities of van Rintelen, and some other matters. I was much handicapped by lack of time, but did my best.
I saw Capt. Gaunt, and suggested that I could be of great use in keeping track of the Irish-Americans, and so on; but I have not yet heard definitely from him.
Before leaving England, I had taught that America was a little backward in coming forward, and published "An Appeal to the American Republic" in the "English Review" in Oct. 1914. It advocated a formal alliance.
Viereck is a pernicious little Jew rag-and-bone merchant, with no spine; will do anything for money. I thought it a good plan to stiffen him up to defend the worst atrocities of Germany such as the Lusitania, and the Edith Cavell murder. It seems impossible that any sane man would have published such rot as I wrote for him; but it went. I also took a tour round the coast, all through the West, and persuaded him that nobody there cared about the war, except the Germans, who were ready to civil was at need.
The idea in all this was to encourage Germany to brave the U.S.A. and so force the breaking-off of relations.
On Jan. 3, 1917, the Fatherland published an article of mine "Delenda est Brittania". taking Count von Reventlow to task for having let England off too lightly in "The Vampire of the Continent". I shewed that geographical necessity compelled England to be a pirate, and that the only way to deal with her was by unrestricted submarine warfare.
I learnt informally that this article had the greatest possible weight with von Bernsterff, persuading him that the general sentiment was such that he could advise his government to take the last suicidal step. The result is history.
Captain Gaunt was of course informed by me of these matters.
Apparently the Government at home have not all this information. I am head of a mystical society, the O.T.O., with branches in every colony, and a social scheme which I believe to be the only alternative to Socialism. In politics, by the way, I am of the old school of Pitt, Palmerston, or Disraeli. Early this year my representatives in London and Edinburgh were approached by the authorities. I have no details, but a letter of March 8. says:
My representative continues:
I decline to be represented as a fugitive, without some pretty good reason.
Hence I approach you.
My position is particularly good at this moment; I can pose as a martyr for Trewth, better than ever before. If therefore the British Government can use me, let it do so. If not, I can at least repair the mischief done, whatever that may be; at least I suppose so. Whatever it is, it can only be something that rests on my supposed attitude, and disclosure would presumably undo it.
In the last resort, I shall go to Canada, and claim what is surely the first right of every subject, to be tried for treason. I cannot allow the imputation to rest upon me that I am a traitor or a coward or both, unless I am under the direct orders of the Government, and so certain to be exculpated one day. I never forget that I am the only English poet now alive; the conclusion is something obvious.
Shoot.
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